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Kenyan Musicians that are still keeping it Strong

Published: Mar 27, 2014 By admin Filed Under: Exclusives Gossip & Rumors

The Kenyan music industry is arguably the most dynamic and difficult to penetrate in the entire East African region.

The stakes are so high that very few artistes have managed to remain relevant in the last ten years.

Case in point: names like Mr Lenny, Jimwatt, Rat-ata-at, Buju Banton, Choku, Nazizi, Osman, Kantai, Sudi Boy, Pilipili, Big Pin, Mahatma have either fallen by the wayside or simply chosen to take different paths.

Here, we look at top 6 Kenyan musicians who have remained relevant after more than a decade in the music industry.

The ‘Badder than Most’ hit maker is widely considered to be the King of Kenyan Dance Hall genre.

Redsan burst to limelight in the 90 with hit songs like ‘Kenyan’, ‘Wanipa raha’, ‘Step On It’, ‘Chiken’ that made up his first album ‘Seasons of the San’ , released in 2002.

Since then he has managed to maintain his status as one of the most sought after stage performing artistes.


2013 was great for Wyre the Love Child after the release of his single ‘Nakupenda pia’, a collaboration with one of Jamaica’s finest dancehall queens Alaine.

The massive airplay that the bang continue to receive in clubs, matatus, radios and TV stations could be the reason of his latest release ‘No more’ that’s just two weeks old.

Wyre scooped the Best New Entertainment award during the International Reggae and world Music Awards last year.

His long journey to money and fame started back in 2000 with the music group Necessary Noise.


Currently, Nameless is riding high with his new hit song ‘African Beauty’.

Mathenge is said to be among the pioneers of Kenyan ‘Genge music’ genre alongside the late E- Sir both of whom revolutionalised the industry.

He made his mark in the music Kenyan scenes when he joined Ogopa Deejays recording stable in 2001 recording his first single ‘Megarider’ that was well received.

More success was to come his way with subsequent release of hit songs ‘Ninanoki’, ‘Juju’, ‘Sinzia’, ‘Maisha’, ‘Narudi Nyumbani’ amongst others.

Such songs made up his first album ‘On Fire’ that was released in 2004 and went on to be awarded as the Best Album In East Africa in the 2005 Tanzanian Music Awards.


His journey to fame began in 2000 when he and his close friend Clemo (Clement Rapudo) decided to start Calif Records, a recording company.

Jua Cali was the recording Calif Record’s first artist.

He recorded first song ‘Ruka’ , in 2001, and followed it with major hits like ‘Nipe Asali ’, ‘Kamata Dame’ a collaboration with Pilipili, ‘Kiasi’, ‘Kwaheri’, ‘hadija’, ‘Mtoto wa geti kali’ among others.

He remains a force to be reckoned with. Shows and endorsements still come his way 14 years into the game.


Nonini is one of the old boys in the game and that could be the reason he preffers to be reffered as ‘godfather wa genge’.

The self –proclaimed Godfather of Genge entered the scene in 2002 with ‘Manzi wa Nairobi’ and has continued to release hit songs since then with one of his singles ‘We Kamu’ being wildly popular if the massive radio play is anything to go by.

He is also credited with the formation and mentorship of the successful group P-Unit.


Amani is the only female artiste to have made it on this list and with good reason too.

Her journey began in 1999, when she joined Ogopa soon after her high school but only got her break in 2002 when she released ‘Talk to You’ a collabo with Big Pin, and later ‘Tamani’, ‘Missing My Baby’ and ‘Tonight’.

Currently, her collabo ‘Kiboko Changu’ with the the Ugandan duos of Goodlfye Radio and Weasel is still riding high and so is her fame.

Do you agree?

Source:© Daily Nation

Dating Rules for the Pregnant

Published: Mar 23, 2014 By agger Filed Under: Exclusives

First of all congratulations on your baby! And yes, you can absolutely date someone else while you are pregnant. I am assuming that you are not with the father of your child, and you have met someone else and you like him.

There are no biological issues about dating someone else while you carry the child of another. In fact, many people believe that unfaithful women do it all the time and never tell their husbands that they are carrying another man’s child.

In your case, it sounds like the guy you want to date is new in your life. Make sure that you tell him as soon as possible so he is not surprised by your growing belly.

Also, you must have protected sex to keep your baby safe, and frankly I would continue with the protected sex until the baby is born.

As you date, keep in mind that you are particularly vulnerable to kindness and that you could easily get confused into thinking that the guy you are dating wants to stick around and raise the baby.

You might want certain answers and a firm commitment quickly, but that does not mean that he wants that or is ready to commit to fatherhood and becoming a husband.

Give yourself time to get to know this guy, and this new relationship time to grow; the baby is on a deadline, not you. I wish you all the best with the new baby, and the new man. Oh and feel free to call your baby Valentine!

The Rise of Al Qaeda 2.0

Published: Mar 23, 2014 By agger Filed Under: Exclusives

First They Attacked A Mall, Then They Repelled SEAL Team Six: The Rise of Al Qaeda 2.0

Al Shabaab Cover_03


In a series of exclusive interviews, Business Insider spoke with members of Al Shabaab — the newly emboldened Islamic militant group that attacked the Westgate mall and repelled a raid by SEAL Team Six — to ask how the mall assault was planned, how members are recruited and trained, and what their ultimate goals are.

Few Americans had ever heard of al Shabaab before the fall of 2013. That changed on Sept. 21,

 when gunmen armed with AK-47s entered the Westgate Mall, a suburban-style shopping center in 

an upscale neighborhood of Nairobi, Kenya, and began calmly, methodically hunting down and 

murdering shoppers, one by one. As seen on surveillance cameras, the killers are remarkably calm 

and unhurried, betraying not a hint of anxiety as they go about their grim work.

Meanwhile, the organization boasted about the attack on its Twitter feed, announcing, 

“The Mujahideen entered #Westgate Mall today at around noon and are still inside the mall,

 fighting the #Kenyan Kuffar [infidels] inside their own turf.”

The massacre claimed the lives of at least 67 civilians and injured 200, including several 

participants in a children’s cooking competition sponsored by a local radio station. The Kenyan

 military surrounded the mall and initiated a rescue operation, but it was four days before

 the siege ended, by which point al Shabaab — often translated as The Youth — had made 

a definitive and bloody mark on the international consciousness.



A gunman points his rifle near an injured man during the attack on the Westgate mall in Nairobi.

Even months later, there are conflicting accounts of how the attack was conducted, who was

 involved, and whether the perpetrators escaped, were captured, or died in the assault. Kenyan 

authorities, the FBI and the New York Police Department have offered diverging and evolving

 versions of what happened. After initial reports claiming there were up to 15 militants in the mall,

 Kenyan police and American investigators later said that the attack had been carried out by just 

four gunmen who were later killed by Kenyan troops. If just this handful of gunmen were involved,

 their ability to hold off the Kenyan Defense Forces for days — not to mention Israeli security advisors — 

was a stunning example of the power of asymmetric warfare.

However, sources suggested there is more to the story than official accounts have let on. 

Interviews with five al Shabaab members in Nairobi indicate that the group is both better organized and 

considerably more dangerous than news reports would suggest. And the group’s proven ability to recruit 

new members from around the world, including the Somali expat community in Minnesota, 

has American officials worried that the group could mount an attack on a domestic target — 

for instance, the Mall of America, in Bloomington, Minn.

Meanwhile, just a week after the mall attack, al Shabaab’s renown received another 

major boost. On Oct. 4, members of SEAL Team Six, the storied commando unit that

 killed Osama Bin Laden, mounted a predawn raid on a small house in the Somali

 fishing village of Barawe. The town had been effectively under al Shabaab’s control for years,

 and one of the group’s senior commanders, Abdulkadir Mohamed Abdulkadir, also known 

by the nom-de-guerre Ikrima, had taken up residence there with a group of fighters.

After being spotted as they crept toward the house, the SEALs came under heavy fire, 

eventually withdrawing after an hour of intense fighting without apprehending Ikrima. 

The Pentagon later attributed the retreat to the SEALs’ reluctance to endanger the women

 and children they encountered in the compound, but it was also clear that the militants’ 

fiercer-than-expected resistance played a role.

In all, it was quite a heady week for the militant group. Having riveted and horrified the 

world and turned back a mighty superpower, al Shabaab saw its reputation transformed from 

that of a disciplined local militia and crime syndicate — ivory poaching and the charcoal trade

 are two of their primary funding sources — fighting for influence amid the chaos of Mogadishu, 

to a serious geopolitical player and regional force be reckoned with.



Parents flee with their child as gunmen go on a shooting spree at the Westgate shopping mall.

Shortly after the raid, an al Shabaab spokesman crowed about repelling the American 

commandos, declaring, “We know you are sharpening your knives to cut our heads off. … 

We are always vigilant and your cowardly attacks will end in failure.”

But a number of questions remained about the group’s aims, its organizational structure 

and in particular how it had pulled off the mall attack, not to mention the threat it might pose to Americans.

So in October, I traveled to Nairobi to meet with a handful of al Shabaab members — 

not the leadership, who are often quoted in the press, but foot soldiers of the sort who have

 flocked to join the group in recent years, swelling its rank and file. Their stories often 

contradicted official accounts in significant ways, raising questions about potential corruption

 in the Kenyan Defence Forces (KDF) and indicating that the mall attack was not simply an

 improvised bloodbath carried out by four gunmen but a meticulously executed military

 operation, years in the planning.

It may also be a harbinger of attacks to come — devastating, high-profile and exceedingly

 difficult to prevent.

Meeting al Shabaab

On a warm Tuesday morning, I sat in the back seat of an old station wagon with tinted 

windows as it made its way through the slums on the city’s outskirts, past camels and 

donkeys pulling loads of scrap metal. Behind the wheel was Charles, my driver, a tall, broad 

man with a shaved head like a fist. On the passenger side sat John, a local contact who had 

agreed to help connect me with an al Shabaab member by the name of Jamal. John, a fixer 

who came highly recommended by an acquaintance in the Kenyan press, has worked in a

 similar capacity for numerous NGOs and media organizations, and his contacts among 

local militants are well established. (John and Charles, both of whom asked to be identified

 by pseudonyms, are longtime friends: Charles used to drive for an orphanage where John was a resident.)



Al Shabaab's military spokesman, Sheik Abdul Asis Abu Muscab, issues a statement south of Mogadishu Oct. 19, 2011, during the AMISOM incursion into Somalia.

We arrived at our destination, the Mathari Mental Hospital, around noon and drove slowly through
 the campus past the women’s facility, a cluster of low, cinder-block buildings with cages open to the air.
 Mathari is Kenya’s only mental hospital, and conditions there are deplorable. As we passed, patients 
dressed in rags, seemingly drugged into oblivion, pressed against the bars, hollering for a visitor’s help.

A half hour later, I found myself sitting with John and Jamal on a small hill overlooking Eastleigh, 

a neighborhood known as “Little Mogadishu” due to its large Somali population. A breeze from a nearby

 field carries the scent of mint, temporarily masking the smell of the sewage canal below. Jamal, a slight

 man in his early twenties, wore a long white robe over jeans and skinny white sneakers popular with young

 Europeans. His head was shaved and he had pale, yellowing eyes and dark brown skin. Identifying himself 

as a courier for al Shabaab, he eventually dropped a bombshell that helps to explain how just a handful of 

militants pulled off such a large-scale attack on the Westgate.

“One thing that the media does not tell,” he said, “is some of the weapons had to be sneaked inside Westgate

 before the attack. Everyone has to be searched by security. There was a connection that helped get the weapons in.”

Law enforcement has been eager to paint the attackers as an amateurish group of opportunists who took 

advantage of lax security at the mall. By contrast, Jamal told me the attack had been under discussion for 

three years, since the African Union Mission to Somalia, AMISOM, which includes troops from Kenya, 

Ethiopia and several other African nations, initiated an incursion, known as Operation Linda Nchi, into 

Southern Somalia in an effort to drive Shabaab militants from the area.

Jamal confirmed that only four gunmen entered the mall on Sept. 21, as Kenyan officials later determined 

by examining closed-circuit video footage. But he added that the reason the attack was so successful and 

lasted so long is that other members of al Shabaab were already positioned inside, having infiltrated the 

Westgate as vendors, bribing police and mall security to look the other way.

The killers, he said, were carefully selected by way of a deliberative process of nominations and votes.

 One key goal was to field a multinational group, as a way of emphasizing al Shabaab’s global reach. 

Reports indicate that Ikrima, who speaks six languages, has actively recruited for al Shabaab in 

Europe, and at least one of the alleged Westgate militants, Hassan Abdi Dhuhulow, was a Norwegian

 national of Somali origin. Another al Shabaab member I interviewed, Abdul, insisted that the team 

involved in the attack included Yemeni, Turkish, Kenyan, Somali, American-Somali, British, and 

Norwegian nationals, though this assertion has not been confirmed by Kenyan or American investigators.

Neither the FBI, which is assisting in the investigation, nor the Kenyan embassy, returned emails seeking comment.

Jamal claimed that bribes were paid to both private security guards at the mall and 

Kenyan police — “no less than 100,000” Kenyan shillings (about $1,156) all together — 

to get the weapons through. “There was C-4,” he added. “It was already inside before the attack.”



Thick smoke poured from the besieged Nairobi mall where Kenyan officials said their forces were closing in on Islamists holding hostages. The explosions may have been caused by C-4 smuggled in by al Shabaab.

The mention of C-4 — or plastic explosives — helped explain the collapse of three floors inside 
the mall during the siege — an event that a top Kenyan official quoted by the Guardian 
attributed to the military’s firing of rocket-propelled grenades inside the mall.

Jamal then added an interesting detail. Al Shabaab, he says, infiltrated the Westgate well in 

advance — planting accomplices at a retailer inside. “There was a package that had to be 

delivered to a certain shop,” he told me. Asked what store, he said, “Mobile.”

Business Insider was not able to independently verify this claim, but another al Shabaab member

 in Kenya told a similar story. “They set up a shop inside the mall and rented a house nearby,” 

Abdul told me, adding that he’d known fighters were pre-positioned in the mall for nearly a year.

 “I didn’t know the exact date they were going to attack but I knew the plan,” he said.

We were sitting in the back of a bar in a shanty on the edge of Eastleigh, a neighborhood which

 The Norwegian Council for Africa has described as a “country within a country with its own 

economy.” Along the neighborhood’s main boulevard, multi-story buildings with roof satellites 

tower over rows of shanties made of tin and mud. Luxury SUVs snake along pockmarked roads, 

avoiding carts of scrap pulled by donkeys, camels or men. There are mosques on almost every block.

 The area’s poverty provides a fertile recruiting ground for al Shabaab.

Abdul was short and slight, wearing a camo T-shirt with a bullseye on it, a choice that gave the 

driver, Charles, a laugh. But despite that dash of brazen humor, Abdul seemed nervous, even in 

familiar surroundings, and he changed his phone’s SIM card repeatedly as we spoke.

Like Jamal, Abdul was adamant that bribes were paid to members of the security force at Westgate.

 “Some of them received as much as 50,000 Kenyan Shillings (about $580) to make sure the 

vehicles carrying these arms were not searched,” he told me.

written confession posted on a Kenyan website in October and widely circulated by local 

bloggers, tells a similar story. In the account, the author, who identifies himself as Omar Abdi, 

says he spent years simultaneously serving in the Kenya Defense Forces and helping to train 

Islamic fighters for al Shabaab.


David Francis

The field behind Kenya's Mathari Mental Hospital where we met Jamal.

Not long ago, Abdi writes, a contact asked him to “help them attack a big shopping building 
where lots of Europeans and Americans go.”

Eventually Abdi was taken to a safe house by a handler named Yusef. Pictures of the Westgate 

had been pinned to the walls, with Quranic verses scrawled across them.

“Yusuf explained how the attack would take place,” Abdi recalls. “Several weapons were already

 inside Westgate. He also said the fighters already knew the inside of the building after going

 through training.”

Yusef then gave him a briefcase containing 5 million shillings in cash. “He told me that if 

I have a family at Westgate then I should find ways of making them not go there on Saturday.

 He also said two other attackers and more weapons were brought in across the Somalia border 

using a helicopter belonging to a very senior person in government.”

Abdi goes on to detail his role on the day of the attack:

Yusuf told me that I was to drive one vehicle to Westgate then drive away. …

 At around midday, both Yusuf and the other intelligence man were constantly 

talking on their phones. They seemed to be talking to people inside Westgate 

because they asked if things are ready at the building.

Yusuf asked on the phone if the important people have been removed and said it 

would go on even if those people are not removed because we had agreed to stick 

to the agreed time. I didn’t know who these people were but I later came to know 

that some members of the president’s family were in the building. [In fact, 

President Uhuru Kenyatta’s nephew was among the victims]

We left the house about twenty minutes later in two vehicles. I drove to the front

 of the building and stopped and the fighters jumped off, then I drove away. That night at 

around midnight, someone called me to say that I should change my phone number 

and throw away the phone.

His account concludes, “I write this in good faith. If I betray someone may Allah have mercy on my soul.”

It’s important to note that this confession cannot be authenticated, but many of the details matched 

the stories told by sources I spoke with.

NEXT: How al Shabaab Operates

How al Shabaab Operates

Al Shabaab is one of four groups officially affiliated with al Qaeda, and it shares the better-known jihadi organization’s Islamic orientation, ruthlessness, and flair for attention-getting operations. Its goals, however, are more local in scope. While al Qaeda’s aims include the eventual establishment of a global Caliphate based on a strict interpretation of Islamic law, al Shabaab is primarily focused on its battle with the Somali transitional government and the Kenyan military.

The Kenyan campaign in Somalia, which began in 2011, has been a powerful recruiting

 tool for al Shabaab in parts of Kenya with large Somali populations. But the group has

 been drawing new members from around the world. According to Seth Jones, associate

 director of the RAND Corporation’s International Security and Defense Policy Center, 

al Shabaab has already recruited 40 Americans to its ranks. This includes Jehad Serwan 

Mostafa, a Wisconsin native who is al Shabaab’s de facto foreign policy coordinator. 

He’s on the FBI’s most wanted terrorist list.

The extent to which al Shabaab should align itself with al Qaeda’s global jihad has been 

a contentious issue that in the years before the Westgate operation split the group into

 factions: one that pledged its allegiance to al Qaeda’s leader Ayman al Zawahiri and adopted

 the name Al Qaeda in East Africa, and another that opposed the merger. Some observers have 

theorized that the mall attack was part of an attempt by the al Qaeda-aligned faction to 

assert its dominance.



Members of al Qaeda-linked militant group al Shabab are paraded at Maslah square after their surrender to the authorities in the north of Somalia's capital Mogadishu Sept 24, 2012.

As the group has expanded, it has attracted members who seem motivated less by ideology
 than more practical concerns. None of the al Shabaab members we spoke to were radical 
Islamists. While they expressed outrage at the Kenyan military’s involvement in Somalia, they
 were not supporters of global jihad.

Abdul, for instance, was not even born a Muslim; he was approached by leaders from his local 

mosque at a young age and was persuaded to convert, before eventually being introduced to al Shabaab.

Like many of the group’s newer members, he says he joined the group primarily because he needed

 a steady paycheck. “I didn’t want to be a Muslim,” he said, “but because of financial stability I turned.” 

Both Abdul and Jamal earn 10,000 Kenyan shillings per month, or $117 dollars. They are told that 

if they’re killed fighting for al Shabaab, their families will continue to receive money, but two female

 members I spoke with reported that such payments dried up after their husbands left to fight in Somalia.

Abdul added that “being in al Shabaab is like any job. They can call me at any time, send me at any 

time and give me orders any time.”

After his initial recruitment, he was sent to Mombasa, where he studied under Sheikh Ibrahim Omar, 

the top-ranking al Shabaab leader in Mombasa who was killed in the aftermath of Westgate. He was 

later sent to Somalia by boat, where he trained for three years in military techniques, working with

 foreigners from as far away as Norway. Some of those he met claimed to be connected to al Qaeda.

Abdul said he remained in Mogadishu until the Kenyan Defense Force and troops from the African 

Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) took the city in 2011. He was sent back to Eastleigh and 

currently acts as an enforcer for al Shabaab where he “watches, investigates, follows group members”

 to make sure they remain loyal. His job was especially hard, he said, given growing concerns that any one of the 300 people he oversees could turn on him to save their own skin.

Kenyan police typically stay out of Eastleigh, allowing the neighborhood to police itself. Now, 

Abdul said, people connected to the group — even those only rumored to be connected — are disappearing. 

As we parted, Adbul said he is “very, very worried” that the same thing would happen to him. 

Then he walked off into the maze of shanties.

Jamal told me a similar story. A native of Mombasa, a resort city on Kenya’s coast and an al Shabaab

 stronghold, he said he was “recruited eight years ago, while [playing] soccer on a beach.”

Jamal said he joined the group for financial reasons, a motivation common to all the al Shabaab members

I spoke with. He was told stories at his local mosque about the evils of America and Europe, which turned

 him against the West, he said. He soon fell under the influence of Sheikh Ibrahim Omar, and is waiting to

 go to Somalia to train. After two years studying in the mosque, he was given a job as a courier, delivering 

messages to group leaders there. This position put him in contact with some of the most prominent figures in 

the movement. He claims to have met the “White Widow” Samantha Lewthwaite, a British national and al 

Shabaab luminary, whose husband killed himself in the 2005 suicide attack on the London subway.

Living on the coast, Jamal seemed especially rattled by the SEAL raid. Al Shabaab’s leadership was apparently

 rattled too; Jamal told me that all meetings had been canceled for the foreseeable future. The group was

 going into hiding.

Of all the al Shabaab members I met, Jamal was the most radical; his contempt for me was apparent 

throughout our conversation, and he seemed to have accepted the interview request in order to make a political point.

“Tell the world that Kenya has been a peaceful country,” he said. “When they took the military to Somalia,

 that’s when everything became worse. [Al Shabaab] recruited more youths, they recruited more officials 

and they started to plan more attacks to send a message. Not until the Kenyan army is out of Somalia will [we] stop.”


David Francis

A view of the Mathare slum in Kenya.

Harsh Discipline and Broken Promises

Not every al Shabaab member has found his experience with the group rewarding. Just after noon 

one day, I met 24-year-old Hassan Omar Kalondi in a bar in Mathare, a six-square-mile slum with

 a population of 500,000 — about the size of Denver’s. Nervous sitting outside, Hassan seemed to relax

 after we retreated to a table in the corner and the waitress brought us a pint of vodka. A floor below us,

 a welder’s torch cut scrap metal, making it hard to hear. It didn’t matter; Hassan spoke only in short

 sentences, often replying to queries with just a nod.

He said his brother was a member of al Shabaab, who participated in the group’s July 2010 bombing attack in

 Kampala, Uganda, which targeted a pair of bars during the World Cup final and killed 74 people. He said he’s

 unsure of his brother’s fate, but has heard he was tortured and killed by the Ugandan army.

Hassan took after his sibling, studying at the local mosque before being sent to Mombasa and then Somalia for

 training. His experience was similar to that recalled by Jamal and Abdul, but unlike them, Hassan did not excel. 

He claims commanders beat him repeatedly on the legs and back with sticks. He said he escaped the camp and 

eventually made it back to Mathare. Now, he was hiding from his erstwhile comrades as well as the Nairobi police.

I doubted the veracity of his story until we stepped outside into the midday sun. His legs and neck were covered in

 scars. Some wounds appeared to still be healing. After we drove a short distance, he hopped out of the car and 

disappeared into the crowd.

I also met a pair of female members. Amina, 25, has been with the group for two years. She joined at her husband’s

 insistence shortly after their wedding, because they needed the money. As we spoke, she turned away, lowered her

 black robe and nursed her year-old daughter. She drank Fanta and stroked circles on her daughter’s head as she 

told me how her husband had been sent to Somalia to fight. Soon after, a man she called Hassan Juma, who had

 been delivering their regular pay, disappeared.

“We were promised a good life if he went to Somalia,” she said. “I regret everything.”

Asha, 21, told me a similar story, sitting in her home in Mathare, a tiny dwelling no bigger than a Western 

bathroom, with a tin roof and walls made of mud and cardboard. I perched on a small chair in front of a 

broken TV. She sat on her bed under a picture of Rihanna.

Like Amina, Asha joined al Shabaab when she married her husband. Soon after, he was taken to Somalia to fight.

“After he left, he never came back,” she said. Then the money stopped coming. “He’s ok, he’s safe, he’ll come back,” she said.

NEXT: Al Qaeda 2.0

Al Qaeda 2.0

Speaking at the Aspen Security Forum in 2011 in the wake of Osama Bin Laden’s death, Admiral Eric T. Olson, 

the commander of U.S. Special Operations forces, predicted that the jihadi movement would “morph” and

 “disperse,” becoming “in some ways more westernized, [with] dual-passport holders" and "fewer cave dwellers.”

As al Qaeda has declined in influence and operational strength, smaller groups like al Shabaab, Al Qaeda

 in the Arabian Peninsula, Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb and Boko Haram — which just last week 

butchered 43 students at a Nigerian secondary school — have been growing quickly and are pursuing

 various regional goals under the banner of Islamic fundamentalism. These groups, which have been 

dubbed Al Qaeda 2.0, pose a more decentralized and in some ways more vexing challenge to 

counterterrorism officials. Unlike the 9/11 attack — a complex operation against powerfully symbolic 

Western power centers — the new generation of terror groups favor so-called soft targets and attacks 

designed to sow maximum terror. The question increasingly preoccupying government officials is to 

what extent such groups — or lone-wolf types acting in support of them, like the Tsarnaev brothers 

behind the Boston Marathon bombings — will seek to bring the fight to American shores.

Following the death of Bin Laden, a eulogy released by Al Shabaab contained a message for the U.S.: “So,

 let them rejoice for a few moments,” it said, “since they will cry much afterwards, because the lion

 Osama left behind him huge armies of mujahideen.”

Such bluster is to be expected, perhaps, but a 2011 investigative report by the House Committee on 

Homeland Security detailed concerns about American-born al Shabaab members, asserting that 

“Shabaab has the intent and capability to conduct attacks or aid core Al Qaeda and Al Qaeda in the 

Arabian Peninsula in Yemen, with striking U.S. interests and the U.S. homeland.”

Noting that the U.S. had become the top source of Western recruits to Al Shabaab, the report added that

 “no Al Qaeda-allied group … has attracted anywhere near as many American and Western recruits as 

Shabaab has over the past three years.” It said officials had identified no fewer than 21, who “pose a 

direct threat to the U.S. homeland.”

Screen Shot 2014 02 27 at 1.12.18 PM

U.S. House of Representatives

According to government officials, Al Shabaab has recruited as many as 40 Americans to its ranks. Here, a few sought by government investigators.

Perhaps the most fertile Western recruiting ground for al Shabaab is Minnesota, home to the largest 
Somali expat community in the U.S. More than half of young Somali-Americans living in Minneapolis 
are unemployed, and since 2007, more than 22 have left Minnesota to join the terror group. 
Two have become suicide bombers, and at least six more have been killed in fighting. Cabdulaahi
 Ahmed Faarax, who was recruited by the group in 2005 through the Abubakar Islamic Center in
 Minneapolis, is now a leader of al Shabaab who has been indicted on nine terror-related felony counts.

In 2012, a federal trial jury convicted Mahamud Said Omar, a janitor at the Abubakar center, of

 helping facilitate the travel of young men from the Twin Cities to fight with al Shabaab in Somalia.

And last year, shortly before the mall attack, the FBI drew attention to a 40-minute recruitment video

 attributed to al Shabaab, which had been posted to YouTube. Entitled “Minnesota Martyrs: The Path 

to Paradise,” the video, which was quickly deleted, glorified three area men who had joined the fight in

 Somalia and encouraged others to join them.

Given such developments, the Westgate mall attack immediately stoked fears that the Mall of America, 

the behemoth shopping center located in Bloomington, Minnesota, with more than 520 stores and upward 

of 40 million visitors each year, could present a tempting target should an al Shabaab group or its supporters

 wish to carry out its threat of avenging bin Laden’s death.

This is one reason the owners maintain their own private counterterrorism task force and released a 

statement after the Westgate siege aimed at dispelling visitors’ fears.

“Mall of America has implemented extra security precautions,” Triple Five Group, the center’s owner, 

said in the statement. “Some may be noticeable to guests, and others won’t be. We will continue to follow

 the situation, along with law enforcement, and will remain vigilant as we always do in similar situations.”



A scuba Santa at the Mall of America, which some fear could present a tempting terror target.

For now, Seth Jones tells Business Insider that he doesn’t “see a blinking red threat to the United States.” 

But he cautioned that the situation is fluid.

“The challenge is, its hard to predict when a group changes its focus and when individuals who have

 been associated with the group decide to change targets,” he said. “There was a lot of concern a couple 

years ago when there were Americans who blew themselves up in Somalia. When you have American

 suicide bombers, that increases concern.”

W. Anders Folk, a former assistant U.S. attorney in Minnesota who was a member of an FBI-run task 

force investigating al Shabaab activities there, added that it’s impossible to know the true threat level to

 an American target.

“A lot of those folks [who trained with al Shabaab] are from Minnesota,” he said. “What are the chances 

of returning after being trained in Somalia? Are there people out there who have gone over, gotten trained

 and got the ideology put into their heads and who aren’t in the scope of law enforcement? That's my fear. 

That is the biggest potential threat. Clearly a mall like the Mall of America is susceptible to a [Westgate] kind of attack.”

“Although weakened as an insurgency, al-Shabaab remains a lethal terrorist organization,” a U.S. 

counterterrorism official told Business Insider. “The group today is less preoccupied with controlling and

 administering territory, which may have freed up additional resources for operational use. The Westgate

 assault was the most brazen in a string of attacks over the past two years.

“While individual Shabaab members may aspire to attack the West,” the official added, “the group 

probably will remain focused on local and regional targets, particularly those in Somalia and Kenya.”

A Determined Adversary

According to the al Shabaab members I spoke with, the failed SEAL raid did have a detrimental impact

 on the group’s operations. Meetings were cancelled. Communication ceased. Plans were put on hold.

But not for long.

With new assaults on the group apparently being planned by the African Union Mission to Somalia, 

al Shabaab seems determined to play offense.

In February, the militant group claimed responsibility for a series of suicide bombings in Mogadishu. 

One, aimed at a U.N. convoy, killed seven Somalis. And on Feb. 21, a car bomb ripped through a 

gate of the nation’s fortified presidential compound, Villa Somalia. According to Somali police, 

Shabaab commandos wearing uniforms resembling those of the palace guards then attacked the 

nearby house of Somalia’s top military commander, fighting a fierce gun battle with forces 

stationed there and killing the prime minister’s chief of staff and a former intelligence chief, among others.

Al Shabaab claimed credit for the attack, and made its aims clear: “The main objective of attacking the 

palace on Friday was to assassinate the so-called Somali president or kidnap him,” a spokesman 

told Reuters, speaking of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud. “We sent well-trained mujahideen

 from our special forces to bring us the president dead or alive.”

The nine attackers were killed in the assault, but as Abdul and Jamal are well aware, 

there are many more where they came from.

Read more:

A collation between Vera Sidika & Kim Kardashian

Published: Oct 8, 2013 By admin Filed Under: Exclusives

After alot of consulting and thinking i have come to the conclusion that Vera Sidika is the closest Kenya can come to the world’s most famous socialite, Kim Kardashian.

So why is Vera our very own Kim?

1.Lets start with what is blatantly  obvious: The Booty
Both girls have some serious booty and they are not afraid to flaunt  it.Vera’s booty full  appearance in P-Unit's video 'You Guy 'propelled her into fame and who can forget how Kim's infamous tape with Ray J propelled her from a state of obscurity to world wide fame?

 2. They are smart
Unlike most socialites who live for the moment and seem lost  and caught up in the high life b Vera and Kim are smart and have managed to use their new found fame to build a brand name. Vera and Kim have managed to brand themselves not only in their countries but internationally. We are all aware of DASH a clothing line set up by Kim and her sisters; Vera’s business endeavors however remain a bit sketchy but  its alleged that she will be featuring in a new reality TV show airing on Multichoice. She is also an art student (interior Design) at the Kenyatta University.

3. They are both cover girl material. Kim’s appearance on the cover of playboy magazine grossed one of the highest sales in Playboy history.Vera Sidika is set to grace the cover of one of America’s best selling publications King Magazine that showcases only the best booties in the world.The fact that she was the first Kenyan socialites picked,is an achievement in itself. If Vera appears on the cover, she will be  joining sexy women such as Melissa Ford, Nicki Minaj and Trina.

4. They are both popular. We ran a Ghafla poll to find out who was your favorite socialite in Kenya and Vera won by a landslide. Kim Kardashian has a firm grasp on social media with approximately 18.6 Million followers on Twitter.

5. They are both fashionable. In terms of style Vera Sidika is by far the most stylish socialite in Kenya and we all know Kim has one of those put together outfits that are guaranteed to land  her  a moment on the spotlight

6.Thy first garnered media attention through friends turned foes. For Kim it was fellow socialite Paris Hilton and for Vera it was socialite turned business woman Huddah Monroe.

7. They both have very catchy names, the kind of names you do not forget easily. Who can forget a name like Kim Kardashian or Vera Sidika?

Vera Sidika's Explicit Birthday Photos

Published: Oct 5, 2013 By agger Filed Under: Exclusives
Vera Sidika celebrated her 20-something Birthday at the Skyluxx Lounge and she couldn't but let her 'twins' take all the limelight.

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